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Burma: Prisoners forced to work on Akyab-Rangoon Highway
Prisoners from different jails in Arakan State were used as workforce on the Akyab-Rangoon highway on December 20. The highway was damaged by rains in the monsoons.Fifty of the prisoners are from Akyab and were brought out of jail on December 15, while 50 were from Kyaukpru jail brought out on December 16 and 50 from Buthidaung jail made to work on December 17, on the Akyab-Rangoon highway under Myebon Township -- pillar No.52 and 53, said a source close to jail authorities.All the prisoners are under the control of the Western Command and are kept in a temporary camp which was made by prisoners at pillar No. 52 and 53 of the Akyab-Rangoon highway.The prisoners started work on the road on December 20. They are also working in brick kilns and collecting wood for the brick field, digging rock and earth for the road, said a local in Myebon.The prisoners also will work on bridges leading to the road.

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the people who support the struggle of democracy in Burma

Rice

Rice wants 'more vigour' on Myanmar

'It's simply unacceptable', said Dr Rice (above); referring to the way the junta has treated Mr Gambari. -- PHOTO: AP

WASHINGTON - US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice urged the international community on Friday to act with 'more vigour' in dealing with the junta in Myanmar, calling a UN envoy's treatment there 'unacceptable.' Rice said the mission of UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari 'needs to have more profile, it needs to have more vigour' while admitting the world's energy had dissipated on dealing with the junta's crackdown on pro-democracy protesters.

'It needs to be, I believe, more insistent on the junta that a special representative of the United Nations secretary general cannot be treated the way that the junta has treated Mr Gambari,' she told a press conference.

'It's simply unacceptable,' she said.

When asked what treatment Dr Rice might have been referring to, a State Department official said the junta has made it difficult for Prof Gambari to enter Myanmar and schedule meetings.

The junta has also 'not been forthcoming' on what Prof Gambari has asked them to do, the official said on condition of anonymity.

State Department spokesman Sean McCormack also blasted the military regime on Friday for arresting at least six democracy activists 'for peacefully expressing their political beliefs.'

The arrests 'belie the Burmese regime's claim that it seeks a genuine and peaceful transition to democracy, and demonstrate that it is not fulfilling the expectations of the UN Security Council as expressed in the Oct 11 UN Security Council Presidential Statement,' said Mr McCormack.

The US Senate approved on on Wednesday sanctions against Myanmar's multi-million dollar gemstone industry to punish the military regime over its deadly crackdown on pro-democracy protests in September.

The House of Representatives passed similar legislation last week, but it needs to vote on the Senate version because it was amended. The final bill would then go to US President George W. Bush for his signature.

Last week, President Bush threatened to spearhead a global campaign to step up sanctions against Myanmar if it continues to ignore calls for a democratic transition.

At least 31 people were killed and 74 went missing in the suppression in September of peaceful protests led by Buddhist monks, according to a UN report.

President Bush recently announced new sanctions against Myanmar's military, including an asset freeze on key junta figures and blacklisting of seven companies and five individuals allegedly linked to those companies and the regime.

The United States has long maintained a trade and investment ban on Myanmar. -- AFP

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Burma's struggle, Aung San Suu Kyi's role

Kyi May Kaung

The eighteenth anniversary of the “8-8-88” massacre in Rangoon is a moment to reaffirm the core principles of Burmese people's long march to democracy, says Kyi May Kaung.

(This article was first published on 8 August 2006)

Burmese people across the world, whether in the homeland or in exile, have for the last eighteen years marked today's date with particular sharpness and poignancy. 8 August 1988 was the occasion of a massacre in the capital Rangoon in which the emerging, democratic “people's power” movement of students, workers and citizens was drowned in blood.

The military regime which had ruled the country since 1962 showed that day and in the forty days of nationwide repression that followed (in which perhaps 10,000 people altogether were killed, including 3,000 on the day itself) that its determination to retain its power was absolute. This was confirmed when the ruling junta, having been forced by the strength of the people's will to concede an election in 1990, refused to recognise the overwhelming victory of the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Aung San Suu Kyi.

Since the terrible events of “8-8-88”, millions of Burma's people have endured continuing repression, suffering, hunger and hardship under a pitiless dictatorship. But if they do not give in to the temptation of despair, much of the reason lies in the fortitude and constancy of Aung San Suu Kyi herself, who in surviving three periods of house arrest (of which the current one is the most severe and isolating) has proved herself an inspiration to her people.

Daw Suu (Daw = “auntie” in Burmese, a prefix of respect for a mature lady) is the daughter of independence hero Aung San and the recipient of the Nobel peace prize in 1991. Today, she will not be able to join her friends and colleagues to mark this melancholy anniversary. But in her Rangoon confinement, she must know that all Burmese who care for their country's freedom and future are connected to each other partly through the living presence of The Lady.

A Burmese life

Aung San Suu Kyi is in many ways an embodiment of Burma's (renamed “Myanmar” by the junta in 1989) modern history. Her father, General Aung San, was gunned down with his entire cabinet on 19 July 1947 at the age of 32 by a nephew of his political rival, U Saw. Among the other victims (who came to be known collectively as “the martyrs”) were friends of my parents such as the Mongpawn Sawbwa, and the Shan chieftain Sao Sam Htun.

While the Mongpawn Sawbwa survived in hospital for a few days after the assassination attempt, Aung San died on the spot. It has become part of Burmese people's national legend that when U Saw's nephew burst into the room, Aung San – sitting at the head of the long table – stood up and stretched out his palm outwards, appealing for peace and forbearance. But he was shot point blank and his body slid under the table. A student of my father who was near the secretariat that day rushed to the scene and arrived just in time to witness the bodies being pulled down the stairs, bump by bump.

This painful memory, part of our collective trauma and multiple individual traumas, has been replenished many times since, not least by the military's shootings of civilians in 1962, in 1976 and in 1988.

1988 was the great watershed event that has changed all our lives. But it was not the end to Burmese people's travails; almost two decades after the junta's crackdown, Burma's rulers are still tightening the screws.

At a “birthday party” to mark Daw Suu's 61st birthday on 19 June 2006 in Silver Spring, Maryland, Christina Moon of the US Campaign for Burma showed a photograph of the shaved head of the remains of Thet Naing Oo, a dissident beaten to death on the streets of Rangoon in full view of passers-by. There were two large gashes on the head, which had been crudely stitched together with large black stitches like a centipede's feet.

Suu Kyi was under her first period of house arrest when her National League for Democracy won the 1990 elections, and remained incarcerated until her release in 1995. Each time she was freed, she would test the limits of the junta's tolerance by campaigning throughout the country. On 30 May 2003, thugs calling themselves the Union Solidarity Development Association (Usda) waylaid Suu's party at a place near Depayin, an incident now infamously known as the Depayin massacre. Suu was then taken into “protective custody” by the regime, and held in the notorious Insein prison.

Some NLD supporters survived to tell the Depayin story. I met two who were able to make their way to the Burma-Thailand border and eventually to the United States, where they travelled the country to deliver their testimony. U Khin Zaw told me that an imposter monk, standing near a tree felled across the road, had stopped the line of minivans and cars carrying the NLD leaders at a spot outside Depayin in mid-evening. The “monk” asked that Daw Suu stop and engage in “dialogue”. When Daw Suu replied that it was getting late and they needed to continue on their journey, the attack started.

Requisitioned trucks shone their headlights on the road as the Usda goons, high on alcohol and/or drugs, beat people in the crowd. U Khin Zaw described how he heard the sound of cracking skulls and ran off in a panic. As in previous attacks of this sort, Suu's driver managed to press the accelerator and drive off – but the car was blocked further down the road and everyone arrested.

After several months in Insein, Suu was returned to house arrest after a gynaecological operation. This third incarceration, which still continues, is only the latest in a lifetime of difficulties. The death of her father when she was still an infant was followed by the drowning of her elder brother on Inya Lake near her family house (awarded by the democratic regime of U Nu to her mother, the first widow Daw Khin Kyi, in the 1950s).

In 2000, Suu lost Michael Aris - her husband, staunch supporter, and the father of her two sons, Alexander and Kim - to prostate cancer. Daw Suu has been under periodic attack by the government-controlled press of Myanmar, due to her interracial marriage and her mixed-race children. Only people who have lived in Burma, and have been exposed to such a vulgar mentality will really understand the pain such attacks must cause.

Aung San Suu Kyi refused the chance to leave Burma to see her dying husband because she could not abandon her people and their cause. Yet she has always responded to questions about the sacrifices she has made in her personal life by saying these are nothing compared to the suffering of Burma's people.

Eighteen years is a long time. But the spirit and example of Aung San Suu Kyi is a beacon of hope that Burmese people's collective agony will indeed come to an end.

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The World is watching.

This is from Mandalay Crack down on 27-30 Sep 2007.

Bush

Statement by the President

Potomac - POTOMAC -- I am deeply disturbed by the report that UN Special Rapporteur Paulo Pinheiro released today in Geneva documenting his findings from his trip to Burma last month. It provides further alarming details about the Burmese authorities' crackdown on demonstrations by monks and democracy activists and the severe reprisals that continue today. He describes how the regime harassed, detained, and killed many peaceful demonstrators. The Special Rapporteur received reports, for example, that a large number of bodies were burned September 27-30 at the Ye Way Crematorium. I strongly condemn these actions and the junta's refusal to accept the need for real change in Burma. Even while Mr. Pinheiro was in Burma, the regime continued to arrest and harass monks and democracy activists. The regime has also closed down monasteries, including the Maggin Monastery in Rangoon that served as a hospice and treatment center for HIV/AIDS patients. Mr. Pinheiro’s report demonstrates why the world cannot go back to business as usual with General Than Shwe and his junta. I call on all members of the international community to condemn the atrocities detailed in Mr. Pinheiro's report in the strongest possible terms. Last month, I announced new sanctions on the leaders of the regime and their cronies. Should the regime continue to ignore calls for a true democratic transition and the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners, the United States is prepared to lead international efforts to place more sanctions on the regime. Laura and I will continue to stand with the Burmese people as they seek the freedom they deserve.

Posted on: Wednesday, December 12, 2007 02:12 AM

It is a history.

“Hounded Out of The Temple”	December 04, 2007

Is it for Myanmar or for China?

China supplies military trucks to Burma

Myo Gyi
Mizzima News (www.mizzima.com)

December 6, 2007 - Several military trucks are believed to have been supplied to the Burmese junta by China. They were seen arriving on the Sino-Burmese border town of Ruili this morning, a local eyewitness said.

The light weight medium FAW trucks, manufactured by Chinese owned Tongfeng Company, were seen lining up at Ruili town, a Burmese who works at the car servicing centre told Mizzima.

"The trucks arrived this morning. They are light weight and all of them are of the same design. Since the trucks were dirty, they sent it to us for car wash," the local said.

Another Burmese businessman at Kyegaung town, said the trucks, which are to be sent to the Burmese Amy as the first batch through the Muse-Kyegaung Road, are currently parked in front of the Kyegaung Customs office.

"Yes the trucks are now parked in front of the customs office. There are more than 200 trucks lined up," the businessman told Mizzima.

A source close to the Chinese authorities told Mizzima that about 400 military trucks will be sent to Burma as the first batch and more are expected to be sent later.

He also added that the Chinese authorities in early November sent six rocket carriers trucks through the Kyegaung-Muse Road.

Aung Kyaw Zaw, a Burmese military analyst based on the Sino-Burmese border said, "China has been supplying military trucks regularly. But it has been quite sometime now that they had stopped supplying. But it is again resumed supply."

"It is actually hampering China's image, because it is currently facing a lot of condemnation for supplying the Burmese junta with military hardware. But since China chose to continue supplying amidst mounting pressure, may be it wants to show that it is supporting the Burmese junta openly," added Aung Kyaw Zaw.

“People came out [to demonstrate] because the pain they are feeling is too much – they are suffering.”

Burma’s junta warned of growing anger

By Amy Kazmin in Bangkok

Published: December 6 2007 01:25 | Last updated: December 6 2007 01:25

A senior United Nations official expelled from Burma this week warned on Wednesday that a “more volatile situation” lay ahead if the country’s military regime refused to recognise that recent mass protests stemmed from common people’s anger over economic woes.

In an interview with the Financial Times, Charles Petrie, who until his expulsion on Tuesday was the most senior UN official in Rangoon, warned that without substantive reforms the Burmese junta could be forced to resort to greater repression to keep control over a restive population.

EDITOR’S CHOICE

Concern over Burma’s leap of faith on biofuel - Nov-23

Asian neighbours ‘must back UN on Burma’ - Nov-22

Asean charter falls foul of Burma divisions - Nov-21

Gambari says constitution an issue for talks - Nov-21

Burma likely to escape censure by Asean - Nov-15

Burma acts on freedom calls - Nov-13

“It’s very dangerous for the regime not to understand the grievances that people expressed on the streets,” Mr Petrie said. “People came out [to demonstrate] because the pain they are feeling is too much – they are suffering.”

The regime’s refusal to acknowledge these fundamental grievances, and continued repression, were “a pretty bad cocktail”, he said. “It creates the conditions for an even more volatile situation, which the regime will only be able to contain by increasing violence and intimidation.”

Burma’s military rulers stunned the international community last month when they abruptly announced that they were ejecting Mr Petrie. The move followed the release of a statement by the UN country team in which it said the September protests reflected widespread frustration “at the everyday struggle to meet basic needs” and called for the junta to address a “deteriorating humanitarian situation”.

The generals – who have characterised the mass protests as a CIA plot to overthrow them – accused Mr Petrie, who was the UN humanitarian co-ordinator and Development Programme representative, of “acting beyond his capacity by issuing a statement that harms [Burma’s] reputation”.

Mr Petrie, who was granted a month to leave to ensure an “orderly transition”, said the move against him was part of the regime’s broader campaign to harass its critics and browbeat the local population.

“My expulsion is part of the intimidation,” he said.

Mr Petrie’s comments came as the military toughened its stance towards its domestic and international critics, after making a few conciliatory gestures following the global outcry at their suppression of the protests.

On Monday Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan, information minister, rejected calls by Ibrahim Gambari, the UN special envoy for Burma, for the regime to engage in a dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel Prize-winning democracy advocate, on a new constitution.

In a rare press conference, the minister said the regime was moving ahead and did not need “assistance and advice from other persons”.

Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2007

Why can't We do this?

FORGIVE ME PLEASE...!

I HAVE CHOSEN UNDERGROUND WAY TO GIVE A LESSON TO MYANMAR GOVERNMENT, CHINA AND INDIA.

CHINA IS DEPENDING ON MYANMAR GAS PROJECT.

WHY CAN'T WE DESTROY THAT PROJECT?

CAN WE DO OR ASK OUR PEOPLE TO DESTROY GAS PIPE LINE OR SOMETHING BY ANY METHOD FROM NEAREST LOCATION IN WAY OF GAS PIPE LINE?

NOW IS THE BEST TIME TO DO, BECAUSE THE GAS IS NOT IN THE LINE YET.

The first monk to be put to death in Burma since the British colonial rulers hanged a monk who lead a rebellion 70 years ago

Burma: Junta Charges Monks' Leader With Treason

Monday, 3 December 2007, 9:24 am
Press Release: Terry Evans Press Release: Terry Evans

3 December

Burma: Junta Charges Monks' Leader With Treason

The leader of the All-Burma Monks Alliance (ABMA) has been arrested and charged with treason for his role in the September pro-democracy demonstrations. Treason is a capital crime in Burma. If convicted and executed, 27 year-old U Gambira would be the first monk to be put to death in Burma since the British colonial rulers hanged a monk who lead a rebellion 70 years ago.

U Gambira was instrumental in getting tens of thousands of monks onto the streets in peaceful protests during September. The anti-regime demonstrations, which began over the peoples' agitation against the fuel price hike in mid-August, came to an abrupt end after a brutal crackdown by the junta.

By the end of September the monks' leader went in hiding, and in an attempt to force U Gambira out into the open the generals resorted to hostage taking by arresting several members of his family. This tactic worked and during November the peaceful protest leader was captured.

Since U Gambira's arrest his exact whereabouts remain unconfirmed officially. However reliable reports indicate that he is being kept in Cell Block 1 at Insein Prison in Rangoon. Cell Block 1 is notorious as the junta's main interrogation centre for political prisoners.

Just prior to his arrest U Gambira asked for following statement to be released:

“To Buddhists all over the world and activists and supporters of Burmese movement, please help to liberate the Burmese people from this disastrous and wicked system. To the many people of the world who are sympathetic to the suffering of the Burmese people, please help us to be free from this evil system. Good people in Burma are being killed or imprisoned, tortured, and then sent to forced labour camps. I sincerely ask the international community to do something to stop these atrocities. My chances of survival are very slim now. But I have not given up hope, and will try my best.”

ENDS

U Gambira is the pseudonym of a leader of the All-Burma Monks Alliance